Many Brits live under the false impression that the UK has a Special Relationship with the US. In reality, it's far more transactional, especially for the Americans. This delusion is especially dangerous as post-Brexit UK seeks a new place in the world

While the two do have a very close relationship on security and defence built on post-war efforts, it would be foolhardy to expect any US president to place much emphasis on the UK's economic interests over any other third country https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
The problem Boris Johnson has is that a close relationship with the White House is more important than any time since the war, given the UK's new status outside the EU. What a headache, then, that the US is having an election with 2 v different candidates https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
On one hand: Trump likes Brexit, dislikes the EU and might see benefit in disrupting the EU by teaming up with the UK in a way that helps the UK economically. However, Trump is wildly unpopular in the UK and Boris does not want to be seen as his best mate https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
On the other: Brits are generally more pro-Democrat & more pro-America when a Dem is in the White House. However, Biden clearly does not support the UK's Brexit position, especially when it comes to Northern Ireland. https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
Which brings us to the Brexit paradox. A hard Brexit gives the UK most freedom to deal with global partners, yet the hardest of Brexits nixes the UK's ability to deal with its most important partner of all, at least in the case of a Biden presidency https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
Now, some choice quotes: "I don't think the British public understands the reservoir of public support for Ireland in America. I went to plenty of St. Patrick's Day parades, but nothing for St George's Day," says @tjscotto https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
“This recent public backing of the GFA has mostly been driven by American politicians … it gives the Irish confidence that should a hard border come into place, the world's biggest power will be a true ally” says @OxfordDiplomat https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
"Brits already think we have a very close relationship with America and only 21% want to see it get closer … If given a choice, our research shows Brits would prefer to have a closer relationship with Europe” says @chriscurtis94 https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
"Johnson is at least smart enough to know that being chums with Trump is not something that helps him with the British public” says Malcom Rifkind https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
"I never grew up thinking there was a special relationship, neither did my parents. All we knew about the UK was the Queen and an awful comedian called Benny Hill” says @scottlucas https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x
Tl;dr: The UK would love to have a special relationship with America; America can v much take it or leave it https://t.co/ijpbIvmD6x

More from Brexit

They have started in the Scottish case

Looks like a near-concession that the side letter is Padfield-compliant
Two excellent questions at the end of a very sensible thread summarising the post-Brexit UK FP debate. My own take at attempting to offer an answer - ahead of the IR is as follow:


1. The two versions have a converging point: a tilt to the Indo-pacific doesn’t preclude a role as a convening power on global issues;
2. On the contrary, it underwrites the credibility for leadership on global issues, by seeking to strike two points:

A. Engaging with a part of the world in which world order and global issues are central to security, prosperity, and - not least - values;
B. Propelling the UK towards a more diversified set of economic, political, and security ties;

3. The tilt towards the Indo-Pacific whilst structurally based on a realist perception of the world, it is also deeply multilateral. Central to it is the notion of a Britain that is a convening power.
4. It is as a result a notion that stands on the ability to renew diplomacy;

5. It puts in relation to this a premium on under-utilised formats such as FPDA, 5Eyes, and indeed the Commonwealth - especially South Pacific islands;
6. It equally puts a premium on exploring new bilateral and multilateral formats. On former, Japan, Australia. On latter, Quad;
This very short article by Jeremy Cliffe is the best thing I have ever read on Brexit and the EU. It pivots on the contrast between Delors’ and Thatcher’s authentically provincial Christian visions and suggests the battle in Britain between the two is not over.


Thatcher: Protestant believer in the totally free market and absolutely sovereign centralised nation state. Delors: Catholic believer in third way personalism, corporatism and federalism. Individualism versus relational love. Heterodoxy versus Orthodoxy.

The article useful gives the lie to the idea that the Catholic vision of the EU has altogether vanished even though it is weakened. Delors wanted a social dimension to the free market and single currency and yet lexiteers laughably insist the EU is more neoliberal than the U.K.!

Subsidiary federalism is a doctrine of democracy and human fraternity. State sovereignty is a doctrine of naked power. It is a face of Antichrist. Leviathan.

Those combined that democracy can only be inside a single state fail to power just how much of private law and evermore so is necessarily international. Thus if political institutions don’t extend over borders there can be no democracy.

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