After spending a couple of days engaging with #DisruptTexts and its most vociferous Twitter defenders, here is what I've learned:

1. Many of its most outspoken defenders are also outspoken racists. Almost every one that I spoke to focused on my skin color and whatever stereotypes they could fabricate from it in their responses.
2. On a related note, their primary means of argument seems to be largely ad hominem. There was very little discussion of the actual issues. Instead, insults, insinuations, and mockery seemed to be the rules of the game.
3. I think this need to focus on ad hominem arises from the ideological rather than evidential nature of #DisruptTexts itself. There's a lot of social justice jargon and feeling used to support it, but no talk that I saw about student outcomes or efficacy.
4. Relatedly, there is a religious feel to the whole thing. Heresy is not to be reasoned with but rooted out and destroyed. Only the truly initiated understand the secret gnosis. The plain meaning of words is disregarded in favor of a mystical interpretation.
5. The practitioners of #DisruptTexts seem to have a very low opinion of children's interests and abilities. The word "easier" was actually used several times to refer to the YA novels they want to replace the classics, and the implication was that easier is better.
6. Interpreted charitably, #DisruptTexts seems to be little more than the age old pedagogical practice of pairing texts thematically and encouraging students to engage with them critically, albeit with a social justice bent.
7. More problematically, the notion of social justice at the heart of it seems to be misplaced and layered in jargon, resulting in an unintentional replication of the historic denial of liberal education to working class children and children of color.
8. One valid critique that #DisruptTexts might have for those of us in classical and Great Books education is a certain caution about how we teach the texts and talk about "Western civilization." Often, Great Books folks have a tendency to approach the texts with a certain...
reverence and to make excuses for or ignore their shortcomings. They're "great" after all, so it's easy to slip into thinking they're perfect. Aristotle's defense of slavery, for example, should not be treated as incidental and minor. It should be grappled with seriously...
as central to his philosophy and highly problematic. Similarly, there is a tendency in classical education to treat the narrative of Western civilization as a long series of triumphs in an inevitable trajectory of ascension. This triumphalism needs to be discarded--
or at least mitigated--by seriously grappling with the fact that the culmination of the Western tradition in the Renaissance coincided (though not coincidentally) with the beginnings of racism, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and global imperialism. It's easy to dismiss ...
this with a wave of the hand and "oh, but people have always conquered and enslaved each other." That's true, but the scale of the atrocities coupled with their justification through the very terminology of transcendent truth and virtue that we replicate calls the whole ...
project into question. This concern needs to be prioritized in our discussions of Western civilization, classics, Great Books, and virtue.
9. Final thought: of all the challenges to liberal education over the centuries from John of Salisbury to Du Bois/Washington #DisruptTexts is the least cogent and thoughtful that I have encountered. With that said, there is always something to learn from everything.

More from Twitter

This is why I'm not a critic of "cancel culture." It's crucial to impose social costs for the breech of key social norms. The lesson of overreaction is that we need to recalibrate judgment to get it right next time, not that we need a lot more bad judgment in the other direction.


Obviously, people will disagree about which norms are important, about how bad it is to violate them, and thus about how severe the social cost ought to be. That's just pluralism, man, and it's good.

It's important to openly talk through these substantive differences, which is why derailing these conversations with hand-waving moral panic about "cancel culture" is obnoxious and illiberal.

Screaming "cancel culture!" when somebody pays a social costs other people have been fighting hard to get others to see as necessary is often just a way to declare, with no argument, that the sanction in question was not only unnecessary but in breach of a more important norm.

It's impossible to uphold social norms without social sanctions, so obviously anti-cancelers are going to want to impose a social cost on people they see as imposing unjustly steep social costs on others.
The twitter ban on 45 is a victory in some sense for the immediate but a warning in the long term, not on the curtail of free speech but as gesture towards the expansive power commercial tech has on every aspect of our governance and our lives, I don’t quite have the words but-

What I’m trying to get at, is not just that Twitter’s decision allows us to see—in ways that have been obscured—how much control they have over content moderation—

but as @Elinor_Carmi points out “platforms don’t just moderate or filter “content”; they alter what registers to us and our social groups as “social” or as “experience.”
https://t.co/GSByAOoDWg changed

I’m worried that the celebration of Twitter’s intervention on fascist rhetoric-however too little and too late- directs us to desire tech companies enforcement of liberal and democratic procedures rather than towards an investigation of

how they’ve developed computational infrastructures which exceed the power of the nation state, are hollowing out our institutions for frictionless (see removing human contact) optimization and are insufficiently described by neoliberalism

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