Hot take: Courts might be able to review the legality of this impeachment, even under current political-question doctrine. Here’s why and how the issue might arise:

Suppose Senate convicts and disqualifies Trump from ever holding federal office. Trump files paperwork to run anyway, but state officials deny his application, citing his Senate impeachment judgment. Trump sues, arguing that the judgment is void.
Normally a legal dispute about a prospective candidates eligibility to run would certainly present a justiciable case or controversy. But are courts bound to accept the Senate impeachment judgment as valid? Maybe not. Here’s why:
According to Article I, “The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments.” This is a small amount of judicial power vested in Congress. When trying impeachments, the Senate sits as a court.
The Senate’s judicial power includes the power to decide relevant legal questions that arise, such as what procedures are sufficient to constitute a “trial” w/in the Constitution’s meaning. Such legal determinations are conclusive, as SCOTUS held in Nixon v. United States (1993).
The constitutionally required procedures and what offenses constitute impeachable “high crimes and misdemeanors” are impeachment “merits” questions, so to speak. The Senate has the “sole” power to decide such questions. But *who* may be impeached is arguably different.
*Who* may be impeached and tried by the Senate is arguably a question of the Senate’s impeachment “subject-matter jurisdiction.” Without such jurisdiction, the Senate has no power at all to try. The resulting purported impeachment judgment would be void, just as would a court’s.
Imagine that the House purported to impeach an indisputably private citizen that never served as a federal official for federal crimes, and the Senate purported to try and convict them.
I’m fairly confident that we’d all agree that the Senate’s judgment would be completely void, and a court could certainly recognize this invalidity in some sort of collateral proceeding presenting the issue of the judgment’s validity.
So if we consider the who-may-be-impeached question as a matter of the Senate’s subject-matter jurisdiction to try impeachments, then later courts can likely review that question when it arises in disputes about the purported impeachment judgement’s collateral legal consequences.
A court’s subject-matter jurisdiction can pretty much always be challenged in a subsequent collateral proceeding that turns on the validity of the prior court’s judgment. This is an ancient and basic rule of judicial power. A purported judgment rendered w/o jurisdiction is void.
Senate impeachment judgments should be no different, because the Senate sits as a court when trying impeachments, exercising *judicial* power. So it all comes down to whether to consider the *who* question an issue of the Senate’s impeachment jurisdiction.
Nixon v. US presumes that the Senate has the power to try, which makes its factual and legal determinations conclusive. But if the Senate doesn’t even have the power to try in the first place—because it lacks jurisdiction over the defendant—then its “sole power” doesn’t apply.
So while I agree with @steve_vladeck, @WilliamBaude, and others that Trump indeed *can* be lawfully impeached and tried, I disagree that courts cannot answer that legal question when it arises in a normal case or controversy.
(And perhaps the more precise label for the *who* question is *personal* jurisdiction, rather than subject-matter jurisdiction, but that label doesn’t affect justiciability because either way it’s a jurisdictional question.)

More from Law

A Call for Help!
1. we have a petition/open letter for the WHO
https://t.co/Bie8pUy7WJ
2. 372 people signed it but we want to boost it
3. I post link ascomment on related YT videos
Tks @KevinMcH3 for the tip
4. You can help by liking the comments
5. That will increase visibility!


6. Links for YT videos with comments are here
1. China curtails hunt for virus origins
https://t.co/NhcYdtsd2Y
2. China: nearly 500,000 may have been infected in Wuhan
https://t.co/KRUQ5hFrii
3. WHO becomes US-China battleground | DW Documentary
https://t.co/8ah8M8bpiB


4. Gravitas: The 'hidden hunt' for COVID-19 origins
https://t.co/hHhhUqgPYt
5. Seeking the invisible: hunt for origins of deadly Covid-19 coronavirus will take scientists to Wuhan
https://t.co/tCPQqjUZF3
6. WHO team to probe COVID-19 origins in

7. How forensic researchers track down origins of SARS-CoV2
https://t.co/r7A1lkr5li
8. Bats, roadblocks & the origins of coronavirus - BBC
https://t.co/Kh9jacC54t
9. New coronavirus strain is far more infectious and spreading among young - BBC

10. https://t.co/OcpAZ9nrl3
11. https://t.co/OcpAZ9nrl3
12. https://t.co/OcpAZ9nrl3
13. https://t.co/PhmoSfvbD8
14. https://t.co/TsvB7SYN2c
15. https://t.co/0o5YbmiUbJ
16. https://t.co/ir7QiwmlWt
17. https://t.co/PTT3KZDi8F
18.
I’ve been reading lots recently about the interaction between First Amendment law and free speech principles with respect to online services in light of the events of the last few weeks.

And I have thoughts (MY OWN). So, I’m sorry ... a thread 1/25

One of the main reasons I think users are best served by a recognition that social media services have 1st Amendment rights to curate the content on their sites is because many users want filtered content, either by topic, or by behavior, or other. 2/

So online services should have the right to do this filtering, and to give their users the tools to do so too. For more detail see our Prager U amicus brief
https://t.co/73PswB9Q7Q 3/

So, I disagree with my friends (and others) who say that every online service should apply First Amendment rules, even though they cannot be required to do so. There are both practical and policy reasons why I don’t like this. 4/

Most obviously, the 1st Amendment reflects only one national legal system when this is inherently an international issue. So it’s politically messy, even if you think a 1st Amendment-based policy will be most speech-protective (though probably only non-sexual speakers). 5/

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