An extremely important point that seems to be completely missed in the discussion of disinformation.

We are exclusively focused on the *supply chain*. We neglect the *demand* for this content.

The truth is that people searched for an excuse, or opening, to be radicalized.

I find the comparison to drugs and addiction helpful here, and it is one that I do carefully.

100 people to to the doctor and get an opioid after a procedure. About 95 will never use again.

A lot of us are exposed to extremist content. Most of us don’t get radicalized.
So while the supply and exposure played a role in both addiction and radicalization, it is not magic. It doesn’t just take over people. It taps into demand.

So maybe the question is less about how they got the supply and more why they find it so appealing.

That’s tougher.
It is much easier to imagine an immediate policy solution to Trump’s twitter account or YouTube’s auto play than to the coercive impact of 401 years of America apartheid and racist myth making.

But again drugs suggest that those quick supply cuts don’t work.
A century of drug busts made the problem worse. This observation led to the iron law of prohibition: the harder the enforcement, the harder the drugs.

When you cut supply, people who want drugs *will* find drugs — and often more dangerous drugs.

This is where my insight ends.
I don’t feel comfortable saying that there is a perfect parallel to the iron law or prohibition when it comes to disinformation. I don’t even know what that means because the prohibition here is on the supply chain (social media) and not the drug (the content).
What I do feel comfortable saying is that we can collectively figure this out if we stop pretending that we wouldn’t have gotten *exactly* here had Facebook not existed. It might have taken longer but no reason to believe we wouldn’t have made it here eventually.

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The entire discussion around Facebook’s disclosures of what happened in 2016 is very frustrating. No exec stopped any investigations, but there were a lot of heated discussions about what to publish and when.


In the spring and summer of 2016, as reported by the Times, activity we traced to GRU was reported to the FBI. This was the standard model of interaction companies used for nation-state attacks against likely US targeted.

In the Spring of 2017, after a deep dive into the Fake News phenomena, the security team wanted to publish an update that covered what we had learned. At this point, we didn’t have any advertising content or the big IRA cluster, but we did know about the GRU model.

This report when through dozens of edits as different equities were represented. I did not have any meetings with Sheryl on the paper, but I can’t speak to whether she was in the loop with my higher-ups.

In the end, the difficult question of attribution was settled by us pointing to the DNI report instead of saying Russia or GRU directly. In my pre-briefs with members of Congress, I made it clear that we believed this action was GRU.