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There is a growing and numbing realisation of just how bad Sunak's budget really was. Worse, he’s even now saying that there is nothing he can do about poverty. This is a long thread to explain why he’s failing and what we can do about it if we want to change our politics.

For those who don’t want to read a long Twitter thread there is a blog version here.
https://t.co/AuTdAr1f1n if you want a summary of the whole thread it’s this: the neoliberal thinking that all our main political parties subscribe to is now bankrupt. We need something new now.

Sunak faced a challenge this week. A winning Chancellor has to decide how to secure the support their party needs to win elections. In that case there will always be winners and losers in a budget. So Sunak had to make decisions.

However, it’s fair to say that decisions are always constrained. No budget has, I suspect, ever delivered precisely the policies any Chancellor has really wanted. That’s because all politicians are fantasists and reality has to be addressed as well in any budget.

The overwhelming realities that Sunak needed to address yesterday were really not hard to spot. First, there was the real economic chaos created by shortages in the economy. These are the result of Covid, Brexit and now war, but which heavily pre-dated the last.
This article, on the repeal of the Fixed Term Parliaments Act, raises a question that needs more public discussion: who wields the historic powers of the Crown once the monarchy is no longer politically active? Should there be *any* limit on their use by a prime minister? THREAD


2. Some of the highest powers of the British state still technically belong to the Crown: from declaring war & making treaties to suspending Parliament. Those powers are now exercised "on the advice of the PM". But they do not *belong* to the PM, & might, in theory, be withheld.

3.For example: the 1950 "Lascelles Principles" set out three conditions under which a monarch might refuse to dissolve Parliament (a "Royal Prerogative" pre-2011). Others might include "when the Oppn is in the middle of a leadership contest" or "when electoral fraud is suspected"


4. In effect, the monarchy became the "emergency brake" of the constitution. It could not exercise these powers itself, but it could stop a govt from doing so. It could deny a PM access to the "nuclear weapons" of the constitution: like the power to declare war or suspend Parlt.

5.This was never a very satisfactory brake. It relied on one person with no democratic authority, who might be inept, corrupt or Prince Andrew. And as Britain evolved from a "constitutional" to a "ceremonial" monarchy, it grew ever less likely that a monarch would actually use it
Farva JO story!

As a new JO we had returned from deployment with some hours to burn, which meant JO cross-country machine was turned on.
I convinced the senior JO in the squadron to go to Tampa with me.
He agreed, leadership signed off, and away we go! /1


We 3-legged it to Macdill by the way of New Mexico and Pensacola.
From Pensacola to Tampa is a short jaunt over the Gulf of Mexico which means we also plenty of room with our left hand (I.e. gas).
The senior JO coordinated with Center ahead of time airspace FL400-FL500. /2

We blasted out of Pensacola as the sun was setting and never took the throttles out of afterburner. That takeoff is Still one of my fondest aviation memories.
Pretty quickly we were approved for the block of airspace and up we went. Halfway across the Gulf we pushed over. /3

It’s completely dark out now, so all I can see is the glow of the afterburner of my wingman a mile away from me.
We started from FL500 (ceiling of the Super Hornet) and dumped the nose 30 degrees nose low.
I saw Mach 1.6 and over a 1000kts ground speed (200 knot tailwind!) /4

There was a Standard Arrival Procedure into MacDill, so we slowed down to 250KIAS to fly the arrival.
On the approach to MacDill, the runway lights were off, so we had to depart and reenter for the overhead (which means we flew over downtown Tampa). Landing was uneventful. /5
Some quick observations from today’s @FSCDems second hearing on GameStop (with thanks to Chair @RepMaxineWaters for the opportunity to testify):

Many open questions remain — and policy makers should work to ensure there aren’t data gaps as they investigate.

(THREAD)

/1

We need to know more about what the volume of over-the-counter options traded in $GME was in the period of highest volatility. How much GameStop were the Wall Street titans trading?


In the hearing, many Republicans implied in that ending payment for order flow (PFOF) would end zero commissions. But as I mentioned in my written testimony, there are brokerages like @public who ended PFOF but still offer commission free stock trades. /3
https://t.co/dAaqinMuaR


- Republicans seemed to trust the @SEC_News to investigate many things, like best execution. So I hope they support a well-funded SEC!

- We don’t know what amount of stock hedge funds are shorting, Bc it is not disclosed on the Form 13F /4


One quick win would be for @SecYellen to re-start the Hedge Fund working group at the Financial Stability Oversight Council. /5
So, one more set of thoughts on Labour and patriotism. Last one for now, I promise. I think there are some interesting underlying similarities between Labour's patriotism headache and the Conservatives' traditional NHS headache


In both cases you have an issue where (1) A consensus "this is a good thing" view is held by lopsided majority of the country (2) A substantial & vocal group of activists within the party dissents from this view (3) (partly because of this) the party is less trusted on the issue

For example, with the Tories on the NHS. Since the foundation of the NHS, voters have suspected that the Tories cannot "be trusted" with it. That they secretly dislike it. That, given the chance, they would privatise it. Etc, etc. Lab campaigns always play on this.

That suspicion exists, in part, because there *is* a significant and vocal minority of Con activists who *do* talk loudly, and frequently, about how the NHS doesn't actually perform that well, is inefficient, that British voters' attachment to it is irrational, etc.

The existence of this vocal minority is not an accident. It is of a piece with other Con ideological beliefs - preference for the free market, belief heavily unionised public sector institutions are inefficient, dislike of planning etc