So here's something interesting about our latest 'surge'. If one goes to https://t.co/unPSmmc8Mg you can toggle between 'confirmed' cases, 'probable' cases and both of them together.

So what is a 'confirmed' case? That would be any laboratory confirmed 'case' - any positive PCR, antigen or antibody test, with all the issues of false positivity and hypersensitivity and non-infectiousness that go along with all of those tests.
A 'probable' case does not even have a positive test result associated with it. All it requires are symptoms. Maybe an epidemiological link. We are now in the middle of what used to be referred to as 'flu season' when there is a wide variety of respiratory illnesses that exist -
- and are passed around, creating symptoms in individuals that count under one of the 44 symptoms of 'COVID' in Ohio.
⭐️⭐️⭐️ So how big of a deal are the probable cases in Ohio? On the left are just the 'probable' cases/hospitalizations/deaths. On the right are the total assigned cases/hospitalizations/deaths -
the numbers that are reported daily and are being used to continue to increase anxiety and destroy lives. I have labeled the peaks of the probable data, and labeled the corresponding day for the total side.
⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️
19.7% of January 4th's 'cases' were probable.

8.7% of December 8th's hospitalizations were probable.

26.9% of December 13th's deaths were probable.
⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️
Nearly 10% of ALL deaths are considered 'probable' - meaning there was no laboratory confirmation that the deceased even had the virus when they died or during their life at any point.
The comparison of the cases graph is also interesting. Notice that the total cases rose and fell from the end of October through mid-December, just as all of our data shows. But then we have had a more recent 'spike.'
On the probable side of things, there was no wave visible in November/December. Instead we see a steady increase in cases that are being considered probable. That is, cases that DO NOT have an associated positive test result of any sort.
⭐️⬇️⭐️⬇️⭐️⬇️
Nearly 1/5th of our newest 'peak' cases have NO positive test result associated with them.

They are just based off symptoms. In the middle of flu season.
#InThisTogetherOhio

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So, as the #MegaMillions jackpot reaches a record $1.6B and #Powerball reaches $620M, here's my advice about how to spend the money in a way that will truly set you, your children and their kids up for life.

Ready?

Create a private foundation and give it all away. 1/

Let's stipulate first that lottery winners often have a hard time. Being publicly identified makes you a target for "friends" and "family" who want your money, as well as for non-family grifters and con men. 2/

The stress can be damaging, even deadly, and Uncle Sam takes his huge cut. Plus, having a big pool of disposable income can be irresistible to people not accustomed to managing wealth.
https://t.co/fiHsuJyZwz 3/

Meanwhile, the private foundation is as close as we come to Downton Abbey and the landed aristocracy in this country. It's a largely untaxed pot of money that grows significantly over time, and those who control them tend to entrench their own privileges and those of their kin. 4

Here's how it works for a big lotto winner:

1. Win the prize.
2. Announce that you are donating it to the YOUR NAME HERE Family Foundation.
3. Receive massive plaudits in the press. You will be a folk hero for this decision.
4. Appoint only trusted friends/family to board. 5/
This is a piece I've been thinking about for a long time. One of the most dominant policy ideas in Washington is that policy should, always and everywhere, move parents into paid labor. But what if that's wrong?

My reporting here convinced me that there's no large effect in either direction on labor force participation from child allowances. Canada has a bigger one than either Romney or Biden are considering, and more labor force participation among women.

But what if that wasn't true?

Forcing parents into low-wage, often exploitative, jobs by threatening them and their children with poverty may be counted as a success by some policymakers, but it’s a sign of a society that doesn’t value the most essential forms of labor.

The problem is in the very language we use. If I left my job as a New York Times columnist to care for my 2-year-old son, I’d be described as leaving the labor force. But as much as I adore him, there is no doubt I’d be working harder. I wouldn't have stopped working!

I tried to render conservative objections here fairly. I appreciate that @swinshi talked with me, and I'm sorry I couldn't include everything he said. I'll say I believe I used his strongest arguments, not more speculative ones, in the piece.

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A brief analysis and comparison of the CSS for Twitter's PWA vs Twitter's legacy desktop website. The difference is dramatic and I'll touch on some reasons why.

Legacy site *downloads* ~630 KB CSS per theme and writing direction.

6,769 rules
9,252 selectors
16.7k declarations
3,370 unique declarations
44 media queries
36 unique colors
50 unique background colors
46 unique font sizes
39 unique z-indices

https://t.co/qyl4Bt1i5x


PWA *incrementally generates* ~30 KB CSS that handles all themes and writing directions.

735 rules
740 selectors
757 declarations
730 unique declarations
0 media queries
11 unique colors
32 unique background colors
15 unique font sizes
7 unique z-indices

https://t.co/w7oNG5KUkJ


The legacy site's CSS is what happens when hundreds of people directly write CSS over many years. Specificity wars, redundancy, a house of cards that can't be fixed. The result is extremely inefficient and error-prone styling that punishes users and developers.

The PWA's CSS is generated on-demand by a JS framework that manages styles and outputs "atomic CSS". The framework can enforce strict constraints and perform optimisations, which is why the CSS is so much smaller and safer. Style conflicts and unbounded CSS growth are avoided.