Five years ago today, #RohithVemula, a Dalit scholar, took his life after he and four students from the Ambedkar Students’ Association were suspended from the University of Hyderabad under pressure from Bandaru Dattareya, then a BJP MP, and Smriti Irani, then the HRD minister.

Replug | For around a month, there had been protests against the administration’s decision to bar these five young Dalit students from using their hostels and the university’s public spaces. But support for the protests was flagging. https://t.co/jaq4on1tUs
On the evening of 16 Jan 2016, the mood on the campus was mellow. Two days earlier, the students tried to step up their demonstrations by occupying the administration building. But they were outmanoeuvred by the VC, Appa Rao Podile, who rallied some of UOH’s staff against them.
That evening, a group of students gathered at the main site of the protests: a shack in the quadrangle of the campus’s shopping complex. The students called their protest site a velivada—the Telugu word for Dalit ghettos situated on the peripheries of villages. #RohithVemula
Replug | One Dalit activist struck up a beat on a dappu, a disc-shaped drum, and began to sing. The others in the velivada joined in. Seated across from him, #RohithVemula also sang along, repeating verses and joining in full-throated for the chorus. https://t.co/jaq4on1tUs
The next morning, on 17 January 2016, some students reassembled at the velivada to launch a relay hunger strike. #RohithVemula didn’t attend the gathering. Pedapudi Vijay Kumar, one of the punished students, received a call from Vemula’s mother, Radhika, asking about her son.
Replug | Vemula’s phone wasn’t working. He didn’t have the money to repair it—the UOH hadn’t paid him his fellowship for the past seven months. Vijay later went to the hostel room of a senior ASA leader, which Vemula had been using to work after he was evicted from his own room.
Replug | He knocked, “but there was no response,” Vijay said. “I immediately called Sunkanna and Prashanth”—two other students who had been punished. After the security came and opened the door, they found that #RohithVemula had taken his life by hanging himself from a fan.
Replug | "The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility,” #RohithVemula wrote in his handwritten suicide note of startling poignancy. "Never was a man treated as a mind. As a glorious thing made up of star dust.” https://t.co/jaq4on1tUs
Replug | Until then, #RohithVemula had been one of many Dalit students fighting for their rights. His suicide may have passed without drawing much attention—like those of the eight other Dalit students in the university who had killed themselves in the past ten years.
Replug | But #RohithVemula’s powerful final words ensured that the national media, uninterested in his struggle while he was alive, could not ignore his death. Vemula was transformed into an icon of Dalit resistance. https://t.co/jaq4on1tUs
Protests erupted in the university and across the country, and the Dalit movement’s slogan—“Jai Bhim!”—rang through the streets.

Our May 2016 cover story, "From Shadows to the Stars"—Praveen Donthi on the defiant politics of #RohithVemula and the ASA: https://t.co/jaq4on1tUs

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Hindutva does not belong to Modi nor his party, it belongs to the people as a unifying, decolonial ideology similar to pan-Africanism or Yugoslavism.

His own brand of "positive secularism" is even milder - deepening special rights and welfare schemes for religious minorities.


After the disbanding of the Hindu Mahasabha and Jana Sangh, Hindutva as a political ideology does not even exist, except as a bogeyman in the minds of the Anglophone elite.

Even the BJP gave up Hindutva for civic nationalism, Gandhian socialism, and positive secularism in 1980s.

Under Modi, there has been compete policy continuity on minority rights and welfare from the Congress era, with little to no "Hindutva agenda" coming to see the light of day.

The most radical policy they can dream of is religion-neutral laws and equal rights for equal citizens.

Hindutva was essential in forming a national consciousness, but was abandoned with time. The modern BJP refuses to self-identify as a Hindutva movement, adopting moderates like Sardar Patel, Deendayal Upadhyay, and JP Narayan as their icons, rather than Savarkar or the Mahasabha.

When they say Hindu Rashtra, all they mean is an "Indic polity".

When British India was partitioned into a Muslim homeland and a Dharmic homeland, one state became a 'Ghazi' garrison state, and one the successor state to the Indic

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