Thread. Agriculture as shock absorber.

In all the discussions on Indian agriculture and farming, one aspect of this sector gets largely overlooked.

Its role as a social safety net.

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For the poor and the vulnerable, the agricultural and allied sectors are still the main safety net in times of crisis.

And it is much bigger and more effective than all the other safety nets - like MNREGA - that we currently have.

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Safety nets are most important in countries that have a lot of vulnerable people and have adopted a market-led growth strategy.

Markets are useful in driving higher growth over time, but are also much more vulnerable to many types of shocks.

Covid-19 is a good example.

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Vulnerable people do not have adequate savings to fall back on in times of such shocks.

Social safety nets are the only mechanism that can prevent them from life and health risks during these shocks.

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Think of the reverse migration that India experienced after the imposition of the first lockdown.

The only reason so many wage workers took such a risky decision was because they trusted the agricultural sector to save their lives. And arguably it did.

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Another example to understand the importance of this is to look at South Africa, a country which has a similar group of poor and vulnerable people.

But the agricultural sector in South Africa does not provide a social safety net to their vulnerable people.

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This is because agriculture in South Africa is in the hand of a few large farm and plantation owners.

The result of this lack of social safety net is very high crime, especially mugging, in South African cities.

Also results in populist politics.

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So what does this mean for India and our agricultural policies?

If agriculture becomes commercialized with the participation of large retail companies as their clients, then sooner or later, farms will also be forced to consolidate.

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There are two reasons for this.

Large retail companies will prefer larger farms to cut their procurement costs.

Farmers will be forced to increase their size to bargain effectively with these companies.

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There are many ways though which this change in average farm sizes can and will happen.

This also means that over time, as more families move out of agriculture, the sector will, for sure, lose its ability to provide a social safety net to them in times of crisis.

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So a vision for development of commercial agricultural, also needs planning for an alternative social safety net mechanism at a comparable scale.

Otherwise, the next time there is a large economic shock, there will be an urban crisis in India that will be very costly.

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More from India

Reporters, pundits, activists. Before you echo the notion that Palestinians are being "corralled into small, crowded enclaves", which is in vogue in some circles, here are some facts that you won't find in @btselem's new position paper. Read and decide for yourself.

Thread:


Starting with the West Bank, specifically Area C from which allegedly Palestinians are being systematically pushed into the enclaves of Areas A and B, and replaced by Jewish settlers. If so, we should've seen the demographic balance in Area C shift in the Jews' favor. Has it? /2

Well, there's no evidence for that, certainly none in the paper. Latest UN estimate is ~ 300k Palestinians in Area C in 2013, probably >3 times their number in 1995 when the area was delineated. Jewish population growth in the same area & period was slower or similar at 2.6%./3

While good population stats for Area C are unavailable, there are construction surveys based on aerial photos. Do they support Btselem's claim? Quite the contrary. At least one shows that in recent yrs the total Palestinian residential area expanded more than the Jewish one./4


The same analysis by @RegavimIsrael found that the number of Palestinian structures in Area C increased by 28,600 during 2009-2019, nearly doubling in one decade, far more than the 18,600 built in Jewish settlements in that period, according to official statistics. /5
Hindutva does not belong to Modi nor his party, it belongs to the people as a unifying, decolonial ideology similar to pan-Africanism or Yugoslavism.

His own brand of "positive secularism" is even milder - deepening special rights and welfare schemes for religious minorities.


After the disbanding of the Hindu Mahasabha and Jana Sangh, Hindutva as a political ideology does not even exist, except as a bogeyman in the minds of the Anglophone elite.

Even the BJP gave up Hindutva for civic nationalism, Gandhian socialism, and positive secularism in 1980s.

Under Modi, there has been compete policy continuity on minority rights and welfare from the Congress era, with little to no "Hindutva agenda" coming to see the light of day.

The most radical policy they can dream of is religion-neutral laws and equal rights for equal citizens.

Hindutva was essential in forming a national consciousness, but was abandoned with time. The modern BJP refuses to self-identify as a Hindutva movement, adopting moderates like Sardar Patel, Deendayal Upadhyay, and JP Narayan as their icons, rather than Savarkar or the Mahasabha.

When they say Hindu Rashtra, all they mean is an "Indic polity".

When British India was partitioned into a Muslim homeland and a Dharmic homeland, one state became a 'Ghazi' garrison state, and one the successor state to the Indic

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