I recently submitted my PhD dissertation titled "Illiberalism Beyond Borders. Dissecting Russian and Turkish External Influence in Bosnia and Georgia" at @FU_Berlin. Interested in what I found? Read this thread ⬇️

To begin with, I hypothesise that illiberal external influence (IEX) is more likely to contribute to the contestation of #democracy in a given polity when it appears in the context of a favorable domestic environment and the absence of liberal external counterpressure.
I particularly scrutinise the role of domestic elites in facilitating/obstructing IEX, based on findings by J. Tolstrup, @otansey, R. Vanderhill et al. I also look at how liberal ext. counterpressure can help prevent a major contribution of IEX to the contestation of #democracy.
Between 2016-2018, I conducted 95 interviews in #Tbilisi, #Moscow, #Sarajevo & #BanjaLuka (thx to all interlocutors!). Given the increasingly unfree environment in Turkey, I didn't dare to make a trip to Ankara, but talked to local experts about Turkish IEX in BiH & Georgia.
In #Bosnia, #Ankara has engaged in illiberal sponsorship of the Party of Democratic Action for many years. However, in both Bosnia and #Georgia, Ankara mostly exerted illiberal external influence after the 2016 coup attempt, following which it exerted pressure on the rule of law.
#Russia, in contrast, has exerted illiberal external influence in #BiH & GEO for much longer. The #Kremlin has sponsored pro-Russian & illiberal forces & served as an inspiration for attempts to challenge the freedom of association & expression as well as sexual minority rights.
Importantly, all investigated cases clearly demonstrate the agency of domestic elites in facilitating or obstructing IEX. For instance, in #Bosnia, #Dodik & the SNSD have made great use of the Kremlin to further their own political goals.
In Georgia, the #Saakashvili governments effectively counteracted Russian IEX. Although this is not part of my research, I note that in doing so, they posed their own challenges to democracy, which points at the tension between deterring IEX and safeguarding/promoting liberalism.
Beyond highlighting domestic elites, my findings stress the potential of liberal external counterpressure. E.g., in the Turkish-Georgian case, the EP, specifically the involvement of @RebHarms, seemed too deter some of the Turkish IEX on the contestation of the rule of law.
Illiberal external influence is very difficult to trace & I often wished I had chosen a different topic. Nevertheless, it is crucial to understand how external & domestic factors contributing to the contribution of democracy are interlinked & every attempt to do so is worth it.
Crucially, I look at IEX as one out of many (!) factors that contribute to the contestation of liberal democracy in a given polity. Blaming rising illiberalism predominantly on external forces is reductionist and dangerous. Plus, even in the case of IEX, domestic elites are key.
Last but not least: don't hesitate to contact me if you'd like to collaborate or are looking for a speaker/writer on these matters. While I kept relatively quiet about my PhD research for a long time, I'll be happy to finally share my findings and experience. Thanks!

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2. @c_drosten has talked about this extensively and @dgurdasani1 and @DrZoeHyde have repeatedly pointed out flaws in the studies which have purported to show this. Now for the other assertion: children are very rarely ill with COVID19.

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Hard agree. And if this is useful, let me share something that often gets omitted (not by @kakape).

Variants always emerge, & are not good or bad, but expected. The challenge is figuring out which variants are bad, and that can't be done with sequence alone.


You can't just look at a sequence and say, "Aha! A mutation in spike. This must be more transmissible or can evade antibody neutralization." Sure, we can use computational models to try and predict the functional consequence of a given mutation, but models are often wrong.

The virus acquires mutations randomly every time it replicates. Many mutations don't change the virus at all. Others may change it in a way that have no consequences for human transmission or disease. But you can't tell just looking at sequence alone.

In order to determine the functional impact of a mutation, you need to actually do experiments. You can look at some effects in cell culture, but to address questions relating to transmission or disease, you have to use animal models.

The reason people were concerned initially about B.1.1.7 is because of epidemiological evidence showing that it rapidly became dominant in one area. More rapidly that could be explained unless it had some kind of advantage that allowed it to outcompete other circulating variants.

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